Araghchi’s handling of Iran-US negotiations has drawn sharp criticism. Pezeshkian and Parliament Speaker Mohammad Bagher Ghalibaf are particularly vocal, claiming that Araghchi has acted more like an aide to Revolutionary Guard Commander Ahmad Vahidi than a cabinet minister. This is significant given the ongoing complexities surrounding Iran’s nuclear program and regional stability.

In recent developments, Araghchi coordinated directly with Vahidi without informing the president, raising alarms about internal governance. Ghalibaf himself resigned from the negotiating team after being reprimanded for including nuclear discussions in talks with the U.S., indicating deep-seated divisions regarding how Iran should approach these critical negotiations.

On April 24, Araghchi traveled alone to Islamabad to deliver Tehran’s proposal to Pakistani officials. However, the United States president rejected this proposal outright, further complicating Iran’s diplomatic standing. The Revolutionary Guards reportedly control key managerial positions in this tumultuous environment, suggesting a shift in power dynamics.

Yet, amidst this turmoil, Araghchi maintains that cooperation between Iran and Russia continues to expand amid regional uncertainty. He asserted that the United States failed to achieve its objectives in recent conflicts with Iran, reflecting a broader narrative of defiance against Western pressures.

Key facts:

• Iran’s leadership is facing internal rifts over Foreign Minister Abbas Araghchi’s handling of US negotiations.
• Pezeshkian and Ghalibaf are seeking Araghchi’s ouster due to perceived misalignment with state interests.
• A group of lawmakers aligned with hardline politician Saeed Jalili refused to support the negotiating team.

The ongoing situation illustrates not just a personal conflict but a larger struggle within Iranian politics—one where ideological divides shape foreign policy decisions. As divisions persist, one must wonder how these internal conflicts will affect Iran’s future interactions on the global stage.

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Internal rifts are surfacing, especially as President Pezeshkian and Parliament Speaker Mohammad Bagher Ghalibaf seek Araghchi’s ouster. Accusations against him suggest he aligns too closely with Revolutionary Guard Commander Ahmad Vahidi — a relationship that Pezeshkian believes undermines his role as a cabinet minister.

Araghchi’s direct coordination with Vahidi, without informing the president, has caused significant frustration among top officials. This situation is compounded by Ghalibaf’s recent resignation from the negotiating team after a reprimand for including nuclear discussions in talks.

On April 24, Araghchi traveled alone to Islamabad to deliver Tehran’s proposal to Pakistani officials. However, the United States president rejected this proposal outright, highlighting the divisions within Iran’s leadership regarding negotiations.

A group of lawmakers aligned with hardline politician Saeed Jalili have refused to support the negotiating team, further complicating matters. The Revolutionary Guards are reportedly consolidating power in key managerial positions due to this critical situation.

Amid these tensions, Araghchi maintains that cooperation between Iran and Russia continues to expand. He stated that “the United States failed to achieve its objectives in the recent conflict with Iran,” an assertion that may resonate differently depending on one’s political alignment within Iran.

This turmoil is not unprecedented; divisions within Iran’s leadership have been evident for some time. Previous disagreements surfaced as recently as March 28, indicating a long-standing struggle for control over foreign policy direction.

The meeting between Iranian and Russian officials was described as constructive by Russian Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov, suggesting that despite internal strife, some diplomatic channels remain active.

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Mojtaba Khamenei, the son of the late Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei, has emerged as a significant figure in the wake of his father’s death. The recent demise of Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, following a major attack on Iran orchestrated by Israel and the United States, has left the future of the Islamic Republic uncertain and raised concerns about regional stability.

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Iranian state media confirmed the death of the 86-year-old leader early on Sunday, with U.S. President Donald Trump stating that this event provided Iranians their “greatest chance” to reclaim their country. The announcement followed a coordinated U.S. and Israeli airstrike targeting Iranian military and governmental sites, marking a significant escalation in U.S. intervention in Iran.

The killing of Khamenei, who had held power for decades, has created a leadership vacuum, as there was no clear successor in place. The Supreme Leader’s authority encompassed all major policy decisions, and the absence of a known heir has intensified speculation about who will fill this critical role.

In response to the situation, Iran’s paramilitary Revolutionary Guard has threatened to initiate its “most intense offensive operation” against U.S. and Israeli targets.

Who is Mojtaba Khamenei?

Mojtaba Khamenei is an influential Iranian cleric and political figure, recognized as the second-eldest son of the late Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei. Born on September 8, 1969, in Mashhad, Iran, he has been perceived as a powerful member of Iran’s clerical elite, despite not holding formal government positions.

He pursued religious studies at the Qom Seminary and cultivated strong connections within conservative clerical circles, particularly with the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) and the Basij militia. Mojtaba briefly served in the IRGC during the Iran-Iraq War and has since been involved in Iranian political affairs, often acting as a key adviser within the Supreme Leader’s office.

Although he has never held an official government role, Mojtaba’s influence is derived from his control over critical clerical and security networks, his support for hardline political figures, and his involvement in internal security matters, including alleged participation in suppressing protests following the contentious 2009 election.

His status as the Supreme Leader’s son has led to speculation about his potential succession, particularly after other prominent candidates, such as former President Ebrahim Raisi, have been removed from contention. Critics, however, argue that he lacks the necessary clerical rank and broad legitimacy typically expected of a Supreme Leader, and that a dynastic succession would be contentious within Iran’s republican framework.

In addition to his clerical responsibilities, investigations have linked Mojtaba to substantial financial networks and assets abroad, highlighting his economic influence that extends beyond Iran’s political and religious spheres.

The Process of Selecting a Supreme Leader

The Supreme Leader of Iran is appointed through a constitutional process established by the Islamic Republic’s framework.

• Who Has the Authority?
  An 88-member clerical body, elected by the public every eight years, is responsible for appointing, supervising, and, if necessary, dismissing the Supreme Leader. They are the only body that formally selects the successor.
• What Happens Immediately After the Leader’s Death?
  Upon the death or incapacitation of the Supreme Leader, a three-person interim council, consisting of the President, the head of the judiciary, and a senior cleric from the Guardian Council, assumes leadership duties temporarily until a new leader is appointed.
• How the Successor Is Selected
  The Assembly of Experts convenes urgently to review candidates who must be politically and religiously qualified, capable of leadership under Iran’s Islamic system. They vote internally, with a majority decision required.
• Behind-the-Scenes Power Dynamics
  While the Assembly makes the formal decision, the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) wields significant informal influence. Senior clerics in Qom also play a crucial role, and political factions negotiate intensely, often shaping the outcome before the formal vote.
• Possible Types of Successors
  Although no official list exists, analysts speculate that a hardline cleric aligned with the security establishment, a politically experienced figure, or a compromise candidate may emerge.
• How long does it take?
  Constitutionally, the process should occur as quickly as possible. Practically, it is likely to take days to weeks, not months, as Iran has prepared succession mechanisms since the transition from Ruhollah Khomeini to Khamenei in 1989.

How was Ayatollah Ali Khamenei picked in 1989?

The selection process for the Supreme Leader following the death of Ruhollah Khomeini on June 3, 1989, was completed in a single day. The Assembly of Experts convened in an emergency session the day after Khomeini’s death to choose a new leader. Although the constitution required the leader to be a top-ranking cleric, there was no clear consensus candidate, and Khomeini’s designated successor had already been removed.

After deliberation, the Assembly opted for a single leader rather than a leadership council. Despite not meeting the highest clerical rank required, then-President Ali Khamenei was supported by influential figures and elected as Supreme Leader. Shortly thereafter, a constitutional referendum eliminated the marjaʿ requirement, effectively legitimizing his selection. This swift transition ensured political stability during a critical period for the Islamic Republic.

With Agency Inputs

First Published: March 01, 2026, 12:09 IST

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